The Performance of Politics: Why Power No Longer Serves People

The Adults Never Arrived

We are living through a moment when people are looking for leadership – and finding performance instead.

But in our moment – a moment of economic fragility, social fracture, and institutional decay – the adults never arrived.

What we have instead is a political class that knows how to look like it is governing, but increasingly struggles to govern with courage, honesty, or purpose.

As I wrote in The Way of Awakened Politics for Good Government (2022):

“People do not need perfect leaders. They need leaders who are real.”

Yet what we see today is not real leadership.

It is the performance of its absence.

1. Politics Is No Longer About Governing

Modern politics is no longer a vocation.

It is a career path, a branding exercise, and a survival game.

That does not mean every politician lacks integrity. Many enter public life for decent reasons. But they enter a machine whose incentives steadily pull them away from service and toward survival.

The incentives are brutally simple:

• Win the selection

• Win the seat

• Keep the seat

• Protect the party

• Protect the narrative

• Protect yourself

Everything else – policy, principle, public service – is secondary.

This is why scandal‑mining, character assassination, and narrative warfare dominate the political landscape.

They are not aberrations.

They are the natural output of a system where optics matter more than outcomes.

In How to Get Elected (2018), I wrote:

“If you are more focused on how politics looks than what politics does, you are already part of the problem.”

Today, that problem is the system itself.

2. This Did Not Happen Overnight

The dysfunction we see today did not appear suddenly.

It is the result of decades of structural drift – and it needs to be understood honestly.

By “the system”, I do not simply mean Parliament, parties, elections, advisers, donors, media cycles, and polling operations. Those are the visible mechanics of politics. They matter, but they are only one layer.

The political system is itself a system within a wider system: a money-centric, extractive order that has captured almost every institution it touches. It is a philosophy of life that places money before people, extraction before care, growth before wellbeing, and measurable value before human value.

That wider system now shapes how politics behaves, how the media frames truth, how public services are funded, how work is organised, how communities are treated, and how success itself is defined.

Nothing functions effectively for long when it is built on a broken philosophy.

Politics has not escaped this logic. It has absorbed it.

Politics became:

• Market‑constrained

• Donor‑dependent

• Media‑shaped

• Poll‑driven

• Risk‑averse

• Narrative‑obsessed

Parties became machines for winning, not governing.

Policy became a branding exercise.

Leadership became a performance.

And morality – the quiet compass that once guided public life – was replaced by legality.

As I wrote in Legality Has Replaced Morality (2026):

“We have built a world where the question is no longer ‘Is this right?’ but ‘Can we get away with it?’”

This shift hollowed out the space where leadership once lived.

3. Weak Leaders Create Weaker Successors

One of the most corrosive dynamics in modern politics is the generational weakening of leadership.

Strong leaders can tolerate strong people around them.

Weak leaders cannot.

So they surround themselves with:

• Loyalists

• Message‑disciples

• Careerists

• People who won’t challenge them

• People who won’t outshine them

And because parties reward those who “don’t rock the boat,” the next generation is even weaker.

This is how leadership quality decays over time – not because talent disappears, but because the system filters it out.

We end up with leaders who are managers, and managers who are performers.

4. The System Gives Leaders No Room to Lead – Only Room to Perform

Even the most capable, well‑intentioned politician enters a system that:

• Punishes honesty

• Discourages truth‑telling

• Rewards deflection

• Measures success in headlines

• Treats policy as messaging

• Forces loyalty to the party over loyalty to the public

So they become performers in a theatre they cannot escape.

This is the tragedy:

The system rarely rewards leaders for leading. It rewards them for looking safe, sounding disciplined, and avoiding the truth long enough to survive.

In The Way of Awakened Politics for Good Government (2022), I wrote:

“Real leadership begins where self‑interest ends.”

But in modern politics, self‑interest is the only safe place to stand.

Real leadership would look less like message discipline and more like truth-telling – even when it costs.

5. Scandal Politics Fills the Vacuum Left by the Absence of Real Leadership

When a political system cannot solve real problems, it shifts to the only arena where it can act: narrative warfare.

This is why we see:

• Personal attacks

• Dredging up old stories

• Targeting families

• Manufactured outrage

• Culture‑war distractions

These behaviours are not moral failings.

They are structural inevitabilities.

When the system cannot deliver solutions, it delivers stories.

When it cannot offer leadership, it offers theatre.

When it cannot inspire trust, it manufactures fear.

Scandal becomes the currency of a system that has run out of truth.

When public services strain, housing becomes unaffordable, or communities are left to carry the cost of decisions made elsewhere, the political response is too often not structural reform. It is a change of story, a new slogan, a symbolic fight, or another managed outrage.

6. The Public Sees the Performance – and Withdraws

People are not disengaged.

They are disillusioned.

They see:

• The avoidance of real issues

• The obsession with optics

• The lack of courage

• The absence of vision

• The endless recycling of political theatre

This is why trust collapses.

This is why turnout falls.

This is why populism rises.

This is why “None of the Above” becomes a meaningful political identity.

In Officially None of the Above (2023), I wrote:

“People are not rejecting democracy. They are rejecting the people who have hijacked it.”

The public is not apathetic.

They are waiting for adults who never arrive.

7. We Are Watching a Structural Tragedy

Politics today is not a comedy of errors.

It is a tragedy of constraints.

The actors are not villains.

They are trapped.

The system is not malfunctioning.

It is functioning as the wider extractive order requires it to function: to preserve itself, protect its interests, and keep people arguing about symptoms while the underlying philosophy remains untouched.

And until the system changes, the behaviour cannot.

Closing: The Curtain Will Fall – The Question Is What Comes After

Every political system reaches a moment when the performance can no longer continue.

When the gap between what politics pretends to be and what politics is becomes too wide to ignore.

When the public stops applauding and starts demanding something real.

We are living in that moment now.

The tragedy is not that our leaders are inadequate.

It is that the system has made adequacy impossible.

But systems are not permanent.

They are choices repeated until they feel inevitable.

And as I wrote in The Way of Awakened Politics for Good Government (2022):

“The moment we stop accepting the world as it is, we begin to create the world as it should be.”

The curtain will fall on this performance.

The only question is whether we will demand real leadership – and a system built around people rather than money – or continue rewarding the performance in its place.

A Leadership Void in a Moment That Calls for Far More Than Westminster Politics

The most revealing part of Catherine West’s apparent decision to put herself forward as a stalking horse is not the move itself, but the political class’s response to it. The reactions have been immediate, loud, and contradictory, yet almost entirely inward‑looking.

Some MPs have rushed to distance themselves. Others have quietly welcomed the pressure it places on colleagues. A few have called for a slow, carefully managed contest, as though time were the commodity the country most urgently needs.

What unites these responses is the frame in which they are made.

Across Labour, the Conservatives, and even among those who present themselves as alternatives, the argument quickly narrows to personalities.

Who should lead. Who is “ready”. Who has the profile. Who has the right to step forward. Who is available.

It is treated as though leadership were a scarce resource held by a small circle of familiar figures, rather than a responsibility exercised on behalf of the public.

This way of thinking is not merely limiting. It narrows democratic life around internal succession and quietly sidelines the electorate these roles are meant to serve.

The assumption that only a handful of individuals could possibly fill these roles is not a reflection of talent. It is a reflection of a system that has forgotten where authority begins.

This is not about individual bad faith. It is the predictable outcome of a political culture that has spent years producing managers rather than leaders. Managers preserve structures, maintain processes, and protect their positions. Leaders take responsibility, absorb risk, and act in the public interest.

When a system rewards the former and filters out the latter, it is hardly surprising that political debate revolves around succession rather than service.

You can see that dynamic clearly in the way senior figures respond in moments of crisis. Some present themselves as indispensable, as though the system could not function without them. Others speak as if their continued tenure were itself the answer, regardless of public mood.

The Prime Minister’s response to the recent local election results offers a particularly clear example. Rather than acknowledging the scale of public dissatisfaction, he appeared to frame the outcome as a misunderstanding, as though voters had simply failed to grasp the government’s direction.

There was little sign of engagement with the reasons for those losses, little recognition of the pressures people are living under, and no clear signal that anything would change.

What stood out was not the harshness of the response, but its candour. The dismissal of public sentiment was neither softened by language nor obscured by process. The message, in effect, was that the government would continue on its current course, regardless of what the electorate had just said.

This is not merely an issue of tone. It is an issue of orientation.

A leader treats public judgement as the basis of authority. A manager treats it as an obstacle to be explained away.

That might be troubling in any circumstance. It becomes much more consequential when public trust is needed to meet pressures building beyond Westminster.

The situation in the Gulf, and the concern it is already prompting about global supply chains, is not a distant or abstract issue.

If events continue on their present course, there is a growing risk of disruption in the coming months, and the UK could face shortages or delays in essential goods sooner than many people may expect.

In such circumstances, the difference between leadership and management becomes more than theoretical. It becomes the difference between a society that can navigate a crisis and one that cannot.

We have already seen what happens when a government meets a complex emergency with managerial instincts. During the pandemic, the decision to lock down the country was presented as decisive leadership. In practice, it also functioned as a form of control that created the appearance of action while deferring the harder, earlier decisions that genuine leadership would have required.

The long‑term costs, economic, social, and psychological, are still unfolding, and they have contributed to the pressures the country now faces.

If supply chains falter in the months ahead, the challenge will be very different from managing movement or imposing restrictions. It will mean supporting people who may be short of food, fuel, or essential goods, people who will be anxious, uncertain, and looking for reassurance that someone is thinking ahead.

Managing fear by creating more fear will not work. Managing scarcity by imposing rules will not work.

These are conditions that require leadership: calm, clarity, honesty, and the ability to bring people with you rather than push them into compliance.

That is why the question this episode raises matters. It is not about who leads a party. It is about whether the political system still contains the capacity for leadership at all. The pressures building outside Westminster will not wait for internal debates to resolve themselves, and they will not be managed away.

They will require leadership, the kind that has been missing for far too long.

What matters is not the individual involved, but what this moment exposes: a political class so absorbed in its internal dynamics that it struggles to see the country standing outside the room. It reveals a system that has lost the ability to recognise leadership even when circumstances demand it, and it reminds us that the crisis facing the UK is not about personalities at all, but about a democratic culture that has drifted away from the people it is meant to serve.

The public is living through rising costs, collapsing services, insecure work, and a political environment that feels increasingly unresponsive. Yet the debate among those who seek to govern still turns on timing, positioning, and who might gain from a contest.

The country is experiencing a legitimacy crisis. Westminster is experiencing a staffing issue.

The question is not simply who should lead, but whether the political class is still capable of recognising leadership at all. Leadership is not a personality trait. It is a relationship, and it exists only if the public is at its centre.

Right now, the public is nowhere near the centre of the conversation. Until that changes, it will not matter who occupies the office. The vacancy will remain.

The Borrowed Time Budget: A System Running Out of Road

The November budget, with its push toward higher taxation, is not simply a matter of fiscal policy. It is a warning sign, a flare in the night sky that tells us the system we live under is running out of road.

Few people recognise what this shift truly signals, and fewer still are willing to confront it. That blindness is not accidental. Our economy has been carefully designed to mislead, to disguise its fragility, and to keep even the sharpest minds chasing illusions.

For decades, governments have expanded the flow of money, not by creating genuine value, but by inflating the system.

They bailed out the banks that caused the crash of 2007- 08, rewarding failure with public funds. Later, they unleashed torrents of money during the Covid pandemic, not to rebuild resilience, but to keep the machine ticking over.

These interventions did not repair the foundations; they merely propped up a broken structure. The result is a distorted reality in which the government can no longer borrow what it needs to sustain public services. Instead, it faces crises that today’s politicians are neither prepared nor equipped to lead us through.

To keep the illusion alive – to make it appear that everything is functioning as normal – the government must find money somewhere.

If banks cannot provide it (and in truth, they never had it to lend in the first place), then the state will take it from us. Taxation becomes not a tool of governance but a desperate grab for survival, a way to scrape together whatever can be found to keep the plates spinning.

This is the trap of the political class. They value their positions and the power they believe they hold more than the consequences of their choices.

Whether they admit the truth now or continue draining the public first, the end is the same: collapse.

The system is already hurting millions, and it cannot endure indefinitely. The only uncertainty is whether we lose what remains of our wealth before the collapse, or when it finally arrives.

The bitter irony is that our money is tied to nothing of real value. That emptiness is what has allowed politicians and elites to manipulate the system for so long. Could anyone become an overnight billionaire if wealth were grounded in tangible worth? Of course not. Their fortunes exist because people buy into offerings with money that, in essence, does not even exist.

This government – and likely the next one too – is living on borrowed time. Real change will only come when leaders emerge who understand the true nature of the crisis and are willing to act decisively to rebuild on solid ground.

Until then, the charade continues – as does the damage that it causes.

Few will welcome the upheaval that is coming, but it is inevitable: the world will soon operate very differently than it does today.

That shift need not be catastrophic. We still have choices, and we still have the chance to take a better path.

But this requires honesty. It requires accepting that the obsession with money at the centre of everything must end.

Unlike the politicians driving the UK bus towards the cliff, we must recognise that we have already reached a place called stop.

From here, the only way forward is to put people first.

Jail terms for public servants who overlook their safeguarding responsibilities sounds tough. But if the cause of the problem is actually government wide, should David Cameron be volunteering himself for 5 years in prison rather than another jolly in No. 10?

Rotherham has already reached such levels of notoriety in local government that the place name has itself become synonymous with the darkest aspects of our society and the lack of responsibility taken by those who we all somehow know simply should have done much better.

At first account, David Cameron’s announcement that any public official – whether an officer or politician – who is shown to have overlooked child safety issues may soon face a jail term, sounds exactly like the kind of tough-minded policy making that we all really want to have coming out of Westminster.

Many of us will agree with the sentiment.

But then, what if those responsible didn’t actually see a problem? What if they didn’t ask questions, because they didn’t see it as their job to do so? What if those individuals were more sure of difficult consequences as a result of speaking out than they were of being any help to others by doing so?

We do not know the specific circumstances and chronology of all the events and actions that contributed to Rotherham. But neither are we likely to do so, given that inquiries will reflect the often-accepted perception that all decisions are black and white in nature, and that the evidence will speak for itself.

On one level it will, and particularly so when there is a kneejerk response from Central Government to the idea that an individual can always be blamed.

However, the thought processes we all have are still thankfully just our own. Very few of us would willingly provide a word-by-word account of what we have ever at any one time thought – even if we could remember the exact detail for long enough to do so.

Regrettably, in terms of getting tough on those who neglect their responsibilities to the public is concerned, the PM’s plan is a measure which neither accounts for the inadequacies of the government system as it exists today, nor the people who are and who have been in the position to actually do something about it – even now.

Let us be in no doubt, child abuse is horrific however you consider it. Public officials failing to protect, safeguard and prevent the abuse of vulnerable people of any age within our communities is an inexcusable act in every sense.

But it has happened, and it is probably happening in places where we wouldn’t dream it to be even remotely possible, right now. And it may well have been missed because public servants were doing exactly what they understand their job requires them to do.

Whilst this one emotive subject has captured the public imagination and the vote-seeking cynicism of one political party as it thinks of the General Election in May, lack of responsibility on the part of public servants extends way beyond the realms of what government currently calls ‘safeguarding’.

There is an institutional failure at work, which permeates every part of the political, executive and administrative tiers of government, NGO’s and public services.

Decisions effecting the lives of you and I are in no way guaranteed to be made in our best interests by the very people we have elected and who have been employed to serve us.

Just as children have and may still be being abused when someone might have been able to stop it from happening, other people may actually be dying because people with responsibility for others at many different levels are not considering the real impacts of their decisions on the people in their care, when we all objectively know that they should.

Outrageous as this all may sound, tackling this problem, whether it is the way that a medical product is purchased within the NHS, a planning decision is made within a district council, or the action taken within social services means that a child is left exposed to the influence of someone who is considered as the member of an ethnic minority first and a peadophile second, may in no way be as simple as it may look.

Solving these many problems facing our public services is not as straightforward as punishing individuals for overlooking, or deliberately ignoring information or experiences that that public servants have had in their roles.

Before anything else, we have to understand at least some of the basic rules of the protectionist and ineffectual culture, which exists throughout our Public Services.

Only then might we begin to find solutions without automatically attacking those, whose actions would perhaps look very like many of our own, were we to find ourselves working and considering where our own responsibilities would stop in the very same circumstances.

Government is not a happy place. It stands to reason that if the people who are sat at the top of the tree behave in a certain way, the same kind of behaviour will soon begin to manifest itself throughout the branches and departments of the organisation below, often with consequences that could never have been foreseen.

My own experience comes directly from working within a local authority, with a national charity, as a politician, and anecdotally through third hand contact throughout. Its real, its tested and I have experienced first hand how the whole system is failing us all, because it is fundamentally, institutionally and culturally sick.

What follows is an overview or perspective of Local Government alone. However, many of the points raised will be applicable to any government body or what we would call a public service.

Whilst I have attempted to focus my thoughts on specific areas, the reality is that there is significant overlap, and the behaviors, processes and methods discussed are very much interdependent, effecting and effected by many different factors and the input of Officers, Politicians and Central – or Westminster-based Government alike.

  • Managers are increasingly becoming qualification rich and experience poor, as part of a ‘textbook technocracy’. The system rewards those who dedicate themselves to playing the progression game, much as it does the politicians. Those climbing the career ladder are usually specialists in one area, rather than having had a grounding in a variety of operational areas where they will have gained a broader understanding not only of the technical aspects of other service areas, but of the life issues and behavior of the wide variety of people from different backgrounds that the staff they will soon manage are interacting with daily. This is not a problem that is exclusively attributable to the most senior levels of management. With an increasing push to share services and responsibilities both within and with other authorities, lower tier managers are now finding themselves with roles where frontline experience of service provision can be critical across many disciplines. The results are plain to see, and as experience is lost through natural wastage, redundancies and attractive jobs with private business, good management is increasingly becoming reliant upon luck, rather than good judgment. When you have deficient management, you then become reliant upon political leadership and that is often as inadequate, if not more so than the relevant officers within the executive itself.
  • Many people are unaware of how desperate the financial circumstances facing the Public Sector actually are. In local government, funding for services is not solely raised by Council Tax alone, and what we pay each month is itself shared out between our local parish, district, county and police authorities. Central government provides an annual settlement or grant to our councils which is being continually lowered and this process has been speeded up throughout the period of Austerity. Some of this is being given back in the form of incentives, such as the New Homes Bonus, which relates to the number of new homes built in the area of the Authority during the year. Unfortunately, payments like this are a two-edged sword and are effectively a way of coercing local authorities to implement government policy and keep doing so, simply to maintain income which is otherwise irreplaceable without cuts.
  • Current Government Policy is not normally to allow rises in Council Tax above 5% annually. But even with this, there is a tendency for many ruling Political Groups to keep this figure as near to zero% as possible, simply as voters are likely to respond to this form of taxation and the way it has been decided than any other. The downward side to this ‘crowd pleasing’ approach is that Council Tax income is often not increasing in line with normal price rises (inflation), whilst other forms of funding are also being cut. This means that authorities aren’t even financially ‘standing still’, and have no option but to cut services, reduce staff or share services with other authorities, which is a process which ultimately takes power further away from the people. Money is tight and decisions are being made that are effecting lives, based upon funding alone. It’s not necessarily because the person on the other end of the phone doesn’t care, but because they have to decide who gets the fixed amount of money (the budget) that they have available.
  • Politically speaking, ‘can do’ is actually ‘can’t, don’t’. As is the case nationally, local government is experiencing a critical shortage of politicians who are ‘in it for the right reasons’. Of those who are – or get first elected on the basis that they are, many are simply not equipped with the experience or leadership-related–confidence that ALL politicians, at every level of government need to effectively represent the people who elected them – within what is actually a leadership role. This functional naivety leaves party dinosaurs unchallenged from within their own ranks, and officers increasingly able to guide policy on the basis of what works most safely for them, or for the furtherance of their CV’s. The situation is growing progressively worse and is only becoming enhanced further by the policy coercion which comes either from Government, or from the National Party HQ’s.
  • Despite the perception that local government makes decisions, much of its responsibility lies in the form of interpreting law and legislation which has been created by MP’s and civil servants in Westminster. Central Government retains the right to overturn local decision making that doesn’t meet the rules that it has set. The reality of this is that decisions are increasingly made on the basis of strictly adhering to central legislation, rather than what local need may actually require. The most obvious manifestation of this can be seen within the Planning and Licensing functions, where decisions are made that are openly transparent within a process with which members of the public or business community interact. When even our local policies are made very much on the basis of frameworks which have been set in London, politicians and officers alike are becoming more and more inclined to defer reasoned judgment on real life decisions they are facing on behalf of the public, to a subservience to a ‘greater power’. The financial, cultural and institutional aspects of the problem play heavily into this process also, but the greatest irony of the controlling way in which Central Government runs every part of the government, is that the structure already exists which would allow power to be well and truly devolved to local people – were it able to work as it could. The legislative problem is reflected in the attitudes of politicians and officers alike and is becoming ever more obvious to observers. Policy making has become a truly questionable process, the machinations of which were once only thought of, or perhaps spoken about behind closed doors. It is now openly discussed in public in a way that simply beggars belief.
  • The bureaucratic structure within Government is continually tightening, despite the messages we hear in the media to the contrary. Common sense; being allowed to think on your feet; taking into consideration all that factors which are specific to each and every case. These are all no more than ideas in a heavily proscribed environment, which leaves officers and increasingly elected members also having to adopt a highly arbitrary approach to decision making. The Influence of the rights culture has come significantly in to play and the creation of increasingly detailed and instructive processes are removing the human touch from interaction between councils and their customers, all to ensure that risk is limited to the remotest degree. Put simply, decision-making has become increasingly black and white when real life is a very grey area. Managers report upwards through respective line management to their CEO, who in turn reports to the political leadership of the council. Less senior politicians have very limited means to address performance issues relating to officers, which have to be passed to department heads, or to a council’s delegated committee which deals with employee issues – one which is often assembled politically. When both the political and executive leadership are incompetent, there is no robust system in place which will enable anyone to do anything about it. For a complainant, speaking out to the media is a highly risky approach to take, and one which is seriously frowned upon, when you are effectively bringing in to question the actions of the Authority of which you are yourself a part.
  • Officers operate within a protectionist system where responsibility is the equivalent of risk and where risk is to be avoided at all costs. Staff are closed down to wider issues affecting the organisations they work for and operate often with a kind of tunnel vision which effectively thrives on passing the buck, or more often than not, simply assuming that someone else will pick the issue up departmentally or organisationally – either because the person who raised it will just assume they need to go elsewhere, or because they just don’t have to deal with anything that sits outside of their job description. The way that we see this manifested most clearly is by the way that consultants are often employed – at great cost – to write reports, giving conclusions or recommendations which departments and whole organisations already understand and will normally have had skilled staff employed to know very well before. The views of a third party are somehow and mistakenly perceived to give a level of legitimacy that nobody employed to actually do the job could provide. Decisions often become assignments for ‘contractors’ by being passed from one level of management to the next. Nobody wants to rock the boat and put at risk what has historically been one of the safest occupations to have, with gold-plated consequences at the end of a highly uneventful career, doing all that it takes to keep your nose clean.
  • Managers have a clear distrust, and in many cases open contempt for the members of the authorities that they work for. This is a situation which has been exacerbated by the lack of interest that many politicians actually show in the areas of responsibility that they have – if they understand them in the first place. Managers often forget that they are employed by the council itself – which is the body made up of the elected members. Indeed, even a CEO is technically the clerk to the council, a point which is well illustrated by the role and position they often take up in council meetings.
  • The business of government today is more autocratic in nature than it is democratic and could easily be compared with the feudal system. Democracy leaves the building almost as soon as the votes have been counted in elections and then decisions are nearly always made under the guidance of those politicians upon whom power has been centralised. Genuine debate is stifled by restrictive procedures and processes which effectively enable officers and politicians to duck drawn out examination processes which would allow real answers to be produced within public forums.
  • Scrutiny processes are generally very weak, ineffective and are failing to serve the public interest in any way. Scrutiny is often treated with distain by controlling political groups who believe that their elected majority gives them and specifically their leadership a level of legitimacy that should not be questioned. Scrutiny cannot be relied upon by opposition groups who are unlikely to successfully influence the decision of a majority using what is currently an arguably worthless ‘checks and balance’ process, unless there is a problem so clearly obvious with a policy, that it almost certainly wouldn’t have been adopted anyway.
  • The political system does not currently encourage strong leadership – usually based upon experience, which is often perceived as divisive in a system where it is normal for politicians to be working to an agenda of some kind. Ineffectual or ‘all things to all people’ styles of leadership are however in practice very weak, opening the door to poor guidance from officers which in such circumstances could be viewed as almost being coercive. When that executive leadership is itself weak, inadequately experienced or just as self-serving as many of the politicians, the results will speak for themselves.

The issues are different for each and every public service organisation, and will almost certainly cover areas that go way beyond what has been described here.

There are also many exceptions. There are some truly exceptional officers and politicians in local government who are doing what they can to ‘get it right’.

There are many more officers and politicians who could be just as exceptional. But the system simply doesn’t encourage them to give the public service that they are capable of giving, and that we, as taxpayers should reasonably be able to expect.

If you consider all of the points that have been made; allow for them to be adjusted, moved or even considered in a different place, you might begin to be able to visualise just how complex the institutional crisis facing all government or public sector organisations actually is, and how critical it has now become that meaningful reform be enacted throughout, for the best interests of all.

The required process of change can only begin from the top. The legislative levers that must be moved to instigate change, are more than ready to be pulled.

The change needed has to be undertaken with the level of understanding, impartiality and diligence that will be essential in ensuring that all forms of self-interest are not only removed, but no longer tolerated within an extremely complex system that exists and should only ever exist to serve the public.

Decisions are being made right now on the basis of ‘what if’ and ‘what will be the consequences for me’ throughout the system.

Officers and politicians are not working within a culture which equips, enables or encourages them to empathise with the people they are supposed to help, or to look beyond and consider the consequences of their decisions and actions for others in any sense.

This is itself highly reflective of the processes which successive Governments have inadvertently nurtured, maintained and developed, and there would be great difficulty in criticising officers within any authority operating at any level for taking this approach, when the example that they continue to be set by Westminster is simply telling them that this is an acceptable way to carry on.

Public servants who fail the people they are employed or elected to protect should be expected to take full responsibility for their actions.

But when the institutional culture of government and public services tells them to do everything but make reasoned decisions alone, it must logically follow that those responsible for the system itself must take responsibility for the faults that lie within it.

So before doling out 5-year jail terms for the people who may just be scapegoats and the easiest to blame, should David Cameron perhaps be volunteering for 5 years in Prison rather than another jolly in No. 10?

This article was converted to PDF and its accompanying image was updated on 10 October 2026. The original text remains unchanged.

Government is not the same thing as a business, and should never be run like it is one

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The word ‘business’ conjures up different meanings for different people, depending on their background and of course what exposure they may have had to its use or application.

Most will agree that its use as a term suggests enterprise and methods of working which would sit snugly within a commercial environment. But should this word actually be applied to the modus operandi of any form of Government when the two terms are completely incongruous?

Much is made of the idea that the best people to run Government at any level are those who have a business background. One of the current arguments against the demographic makeup of our MP’s today is the substantial lack of solid business experience possessed by those who lead the Country from Westminster, with the accompanying notion that MP’s who have run or owned businesses of their own would somehow automatically have an almost esoteric level of understanding and midas touch which would solve just about any problem. They wouldn’t; they don’t and they never have.

With years of Local Government experience as both an Elected Member, an Officer and from working within 3rd Sector Organisations alongside, I have also often heard the term ‘business case’, ‘business plan’ and the idea often suggested that Councils are now run ‘like a business’ in meetings.

The problem with this is of course that the political leadership and members of Councils rarely have ‘hands on’ experience of running any kind of business you could draw reasonable parallels with themselves, and when they do, it is often the case that it has been so long since they did so, that any lack of an appreciation that time moves on or that things continually change will soon erode any tangible benefit.

Perhaps worse is the ability that Officers and Civil Servants have been gifted by political demographics and the opportunity to use such terms in plans, which are then taken as read by those who simply don’t know any better as being a true ‘business case’, when such ‘business’ cases could never be any such thing.

Recognising the differences between running a business in its purest sense, and running Government under the delusion that it can be run as business has never been more essential for today’s politicians, because neither Central or Local Government are businesses, and the people running them have to stop believing and behaving like they are.

A business is of course run for the profit of an individual or shareholders. All decisions will normally be made with the form of pay-off that they will receive firmly in mind. It can be expanded or changed to meet the demands of customers as it sees fit, and a business can choose which customers it may wish to target and how much profit it will seek from delivering any particular product or service. Its revenues are never guaranteed.

On the other hand, Government does not run to make profit, but to provide services and support for all those which it has been elected to serve.

Run properly, Government would not actively target any particular group of customers to provide a different quality of service depending on the feedback or profit that it gets from that group, and would work to meet demand for services as best and prudently as it can, well knowing that it has a duty to do so without seeking payment from one customer to pay for the benefits of another, or to irresponsibly borrow money from lenders that it knows it doesn’t have the appropriate levels of revenue to comfortably repay.

However, Government revenues – as long as they remain sensible – will always be guaranteed, and it is with this significant difference that come the even greater levels of responsibility than no one business should ever realistically be able to have.

One of the greatest dangers facing us as a society comes from the fact that politicians at all levels of Government have either failed to recognise these basic differences and therefore maintain them, or have willingly abused their ability to raise revenues to cover badly managed services or implement policies without any due regard to striking the balance for every member of this society or in applying fairness to all, while they have given every thought to political expedience and electability.

The British political system is broken, because it has adopted those very same values of a profit-making business, which are to further the interests of that business. For politicians, this comes in the form of power, whilst they have ignored the basic rule of business as they have done so; the rule which states they must deliver profit to every single one of the shareholders rather than to themselves. Profit in this sense should always be seen as the delivery of the same results for all.

So if our politicians really feel that they have to treat Government like a business, they then must also realise that if they continue to keep raising the fees on the same old products time and again without offering new products and value for money, they will soon price their offerings way beyond the purse of the people who normally pay, and the cash will soon start ceasing to flow.

Government is not run for a financial profit, any more than it should ever be so for the bottom-line benefit of just the ‘staff’.

Whatever their backgrounds, experience and level, politicians must remember that they are the managers; the facilitators; the decision makers; not the beneficiaries themselves – and especially so where the end profit is not even perceptively the same as what it would be for a business.

The time has long since passed when the electorate could continue to live decent lives, whilst those within Government continue to focus on the end result for themselves. Government is not the same thing as a business, and should never be run like it is one.