The Water Fish Cannot See

Why the debate about ending forty years of neoliberalism may be missing the point

A Curious Reaction

When Andy Burnham first began talking about ending forty years of neoliberalism, I expected disagreement. Political ideas that touch something substantial almost always provoke a reaction.

What surprised me was not the fact that people argued about it, but the way they argued about it. Within a remarkably short period of time, the conversation seemed to settle into familiar territory.

Supporters presented the idea as a long-overdue recognition of Britain’s failures. Critics responded as though they were hearing an argument for returning to the 1970s. The disagreement was immediate, energetic and entirely predictable.

What interested me was something else.

The entire discussion appeared to assume that everybody already knew what the phrase meant. More than that, it assumed that everybody knew where the boundaries of the debate lay.

The disagreement was not over whether the phrase described reality, but over whether leaving that reality would be desirable.

The argument became a choice between continuation and reversal. We were either remaining on the path set in motion during the Thatcher years or attempting to retrace our steps back to an earlier model.

The possibility that neither description accurately captured the moment we are living through barely appeared.

That omission is worth dwelling on because it points toward a question that feels increasingly important.

How would anybody recognise the end of an era while they were still living inside it?

The Strange Journey of Political Language

Political systems are constantly searching for language that captures things people can already feel but struggle to describe. Most books never reach beyond their audience. Most detailed arguments remain where they begin. What tends to travel are phrases.

A phrase can migrate from essays into newspaper columns, from newspaper columns into think-tank reports, from think-tank reports into speeches and from speeches into everyday conversation.

The more successful the phrase, the further it travels.

What is interesting is that understanding rarely travels at the same speed.

By the time a useful phrase reaches the centre of political discourse, it has often become detached from the intellectual framework that produced it. Different people begin using it for different purposes. It stops functioning as an explanation and starts functioning as a signal. It becomes useful because it conveys a mood, a direction of travel or a sense that something important is happening.

That does not mean everybody using the phrase understands the same thing.

In fact, it often means the opposite.

The phrase survives precisely because different groups can pour different meanings into it.

This may be one reason the language of “forty years of neoliberalism” has been so successful. The phrase clearly touches a nerve. It captures a widespread feeling that something about Britain’s trajectory deserves re-examination. What remains far less clear is whether there is equal agreement about what is actually being described.

When Systems Disappear

Part of the difficulty lies in the way successful systems evolve.

Most people think of neoliberalism as a collection of policies. Privatisation. Deregulation. Globalisation. Financialisation. Depending on who is speaking, those developments either saved Britain or hollowed it out. Entire political careers have been built around defending or attacking those changes.

Yet policies are only the visible layer of a system.

The deeper layer is the collection of assumptions that develops around them.

What counts as economic success. What counts as competence. Which institutions matter. Which risks deserve attention. What questions can be asked. Which outcomes are considered realistic.

At first those assumptions are visible because people remember alternatives. Over time they become harder to see. New generations inherit them. Institutions are organised around them. Political careers are built within them. Eventually they stop appearing as assumptions and start appearing as reality.

The system disappears from view precisely because it becomes normal.

That is why I have always preferred thinking in terms of operating systems rather than ideologies.

People know they are choosing between ideologies.

They rarely realise they are working inside an operating system.

The Water Fish Cannot See

The old phrase about fish being unable to see water survives because it captures something profoundly human.

We are very good at adapting to our environment. In fact, we are so good at it that we often stop noticing the environment altogether.

The process is visible everywhere.

People adapt to fragility.

Institutions adapt to constraints.

Political parties adapt to assumptions.

Entire societies adapt to conditions that previous generations might have regarded as extraordinary.

Eventually the adaptation becomes so complete that the thing shaping behaviour vanishes into the background.

The fish sees the currents, the movement and the consequences. The fish does not see the water.

This is why discussions about political change often feel strangely unsatisfying. Politicians can spend hours arguing about policy while sharing assumptions they no longer recognise as assumptions. Journalists can write thousands of words about reform while accepting the framework within which reform is constrained. Economists can debate outcomes while rarely examining the environment producing them.

This is not evidence of stupidity.

It is evidence of immersion.

Why the Debate Feels Incomplete

The more I listened to the discussion surrounding the end of forty years of neoliberalism, the more I found myself wondering whether the debate was unfolding at the wrong level.

The assumption seemed to be that people stand outside the system, evaluate it and then choose whether to continue it.

But what if that is not how systems work?

What if people are shaped by an operating environment long before they start questioning it?

Viewed through that lens, the interesting question is not whether a political movement wishes to move beyond neoliberalism.

The interesting question is whether anybody can clearly see the assumptions they inherited from it.

That challenge becomes particularly difficult when those assumptions have become embedded within ideas that appear self-evident. Growth. Productivity. Competitiveness. Confidence. Credibility.

These concepts are treated as neutral descriptions of reality. Rarely are they examined as products of a particular way of understanding reality.

The water has become invisible.

Sensing an Ending

This is one reason I find the current moment so fascinating.

For several years I have argued that Britain’s operating model appears to be reaching the end of its natural life. Not because somebody decided it should end, but because the conditions that sustained it are changing. The issue is not morality. It is fit.

Operating systems work because they fit the environment in which they emerge. They begin to struggle when the environment changes faster than the assumptions embedded within them.

What strikes me today is how many institutions appear to be sensing this shift.

The language has changed.

The confidence has changed.

The mood has changed.

People speak increasingly about resilience, security, sovereignty, capability and exposure. Themes that sat comfortably in the background for decades have moved closer to the centre of public debate.

Something is clearly being felt.

Whether it is fully understood is another question.

History suggests that people often experience the sensation of transition before they understand its cause. They feel the edge of an era long before they can describe it.

The Language of Maintenance

This is partly why the recent Budget interested me.

What stood out was not a particular policy but a tone.

Much of the language revolved around creating “breathing space”, managing pressures and helping households navigate difficult circumstances. Even the temporary tax surcharge on banks was presented in terms of short-term support rather than long-term transformation.

The emphasis repeatedly returned to stability, discipline, confidence and the need to navigate a difficult external environment.

None of this is inherently unreasonable. Yet it has a particular flavour.

It is the language of maintenance. The language of holding things together. The language of preserving stability while a system encounters pressures for which it was not originally designed.

That does not mean the people using that language are wrong. It simply raises an interesting possibility.

Perhaps many of the actors discussing the end of an era are simultaneously operating within the assumptions of that era.

Not because they are trapped. But because they have never known anything else.

Missing the Point

This brings us back to the original phrase.

The debate about ending forty years of neoliberalism often assumes that the central question is whether neoliberalism succeeded or failed.

I am increasingly persuaded that a deeper question sits underneath it.

What if the most significant issue is not whether an era is ending, but whether we are capable of recognising the operating system that shaped the era in the first place?

The difference matters.

One debate concerns policies. The other concerns perception.

One asks what should happen next. The other asks whether we fully understand where we are standing now.

Those are not the same thing.

The Ground Beneath Our Feet

The most successful operating systems are not the ones people passionately defend. They are the ones people stop noticing.

The assumptions become common sense. The framework becomes reality. The environment becomes invisible.

At that point, even criticism of the system may continue speaking its language.

That is why I find the current moment so intriguing.

Not because I know what comes next.

Not because I am convinced anybody else does either.

But because more and more people seem to be sensing that something is changing beneath their feet.

The phrase “forty years of neoliberalism” may be evidence of that feeling. The argument surrounding it may be evidence too.

The question is not whether the era is ending.

It is whether we can see the water clearly enough to understand the thing that shaped us before it disappears.

The Establishment Is Not What You Think It Is

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Why the modern Establishment is a worldview, not a class – and why that makes it so hard to escape.

Introduction – The Establishment Is Not What People Think It Is

Everyone claims to know what “the Establishment” is. Politicians campaign against it. Commentators blame it. Voters distrust it. Reformers promise to dismantle it. Yet when pressed to define it, most people reach for different answers – government, elites, the civil service, the media, finance, the judiciary, universities, “the blob”, or some hidden network of insiders.

All of these interpretations contain fragments of truth – but none of them capture the whole.

The Establishment is also the “they” that appears in countless political conversations. When people say “they won’t allow it”, “they don’t understand”, “they’ve already decided”, or “they’ll never let that happen”, they are usually trying to describe a force that feels real but is difficult to identify.

When challenged to explain who “they” are, many people struggle – not because they are foolish, irrational or imagining things, but because they are trying to describe a worldview as if it were a group of people. They can see the effects. They simply lack the language to explain the mechanism.

That is what the word “they” often signifies: an awareness of power without a clear map of how that power works. It is a tell. People know, at some level, that something larger than any one minister, party, company or institution is shaping outcomes. The mistake is not sensing it. The mistake is assuming it must be a single hidden group rather than a shared operating system.

The real Establishment is a worldview. A way of thinking. A mental operating system.

It is not a group of people. It is not a secret bunker. It is not a coordinated conspiracy.

It is a belief system that has become so dominant, so embedded, and so pervasive that it shapes everything – including many of the people who think they’re fighting it.

The Old Establishment: A Visible Hierarchy

Historically, the Establishment was simple:

  • aristocracy
  • inherited power
  • the Church
  • the military
  • the judiciary
  • Whitehall mandarins
  • elite universities
  • old boys’ networks

It was a visible hierarchy. You could point at it. You could name it. You could see who was in and who was out.

This is the Establishment people still imagine – even though it no longer exists in that form.

The Modern Perception: A Spectrum, Not a Consensus

Today, people see the Establishment through very different lenses.

1. Those who benefit from the system

They see the Establishment as:

  • competent
  • stabilising
  • necessary
  • expert
  • responsible

They trust it because it works for them.

2. Those harmed or excluded

They see it as:

  • distant
  • unaccountable
  • elitist
  • opaque
  • indifferent

They experience its decisions as disconnected from real life.

3. Those who see conspiracy

They imagine:

  • puppet‑masters
  • hidden committees
  • coordinated elites

This is understandable – the system behaves in ways that look coordinated – but it is not accurate.

4. Those who think they’re outside but are actually inside

This includes:

  • anti‑establishment politicians
  • populists
  • disruptors
  • commentators

They believe they are fighting the Establishment. But their actions, not their words, reveal that they operate fully within its worldview.

This is not unique to one party, faction or ideology. A politician can denounce “the elites” while still judging success by market confidence. A newspaper can attack bureaucrats while still treating financial credibility as the final test of seriousness. A reformer can call for renewal while still assuming that centralised management, competitive funding, external consultancy and measurable outputs are the only acceptable forms of action.

The important point is not the behaviour of one individual, but the wider pattern: much of what presents itself as anti‑establishment politics is actually a more intense expression of the same underlying worldview.

5. Those who see clearly but cannot escape

Analysts, academics, journalists and reformers may understand parts of the system, but still live inside it.

Because unless you become an off‑grid hermit, you cannot avoid interacting with the Establishment.

It is not something you leave. It is something you wake up inside.

The Real Establishment: A Worldview That Saturates Everything

The modern Establishment is not a group. It is a belief system.

By “worldview”, I do not mean a formal doctrine or a book of rules. I mean a shared set of assumptions about what is realistic, responsible, credible, modern and possible.

A worldview is powerful precisely because it usually does not feel ideological to those inside it. It feels like common sense.

It is a worldview built around:

  • market primacy
  • financial credibility
  • growth as the unquestioned good
  • competition as the organising principle
  • state restraint
  • technocratic management
  • institutional self‑protection
  • distance from consequences

This worldview has become the centre of gravity for anyone who wants to succeed in politics, media, finance, business, or public institutions.

It is not enforced by conspiracy. It is enforced by incentives.

How the Establishment Was Captured: The Slow, Invisible Drift

The capture was not deliberate. It was not planned. It was not coordinated.

It was a slow drift driven by:

  • globalisation
  • financialisation
  • deregulation
  • privatisation
  • market‑centric policy design
  • media consolidation
  • think‑tank influence
  • political professionalisation
  • legislative entrenchment

Over decades, the worldview became:

  • normal
  • sensible
  • realistic
  • responsible
  • inevitable

This is cognitive capture – not a personal failing, but a structural condition.

Here, “capture” should not be read as a claim that one group seized control of everything. It is more subtle than that.

It is the process by which institutions, careers, policy choices and public language gradually align around the same underlying assumptions until alternatives appear naive, dangerous or unserious.

People didn’t choose the worldview. They inherited it. They were rewarded for it. They were insulated by it. They were promoted for it. They were praised for it.

It became the mental furniture of their lives.

Cognitive Capture – The Human Mechanism Behind the System

This is the part many of us may find hardest to accept. Not because it is an accusation, but because it asks us to recognise something uncomfortable: if we live and work inside today’s version of normal life, then we have almost certainly been shaped by the Establishment worldview in some way.

That does not make us foolish, corrupt or guilty. It makes us human. But it does mean that real change cannot begin while we continue to tell ourselves that everything is basically fine, or that the system is only temporarily out of sync, or that the problem is simply the wrong government, the wrong leader, or the wrong party.

Deep down, many people already know this is no longer enough. The unease is not just political disappointment. It is the recognition that something more fundamental has stopped working.

Cognitive capture does not mean people are:

  • stupid
  • corrupt
  • malicious
  • incompetent

It means:

The system shapes how people think, and they don’t realise it because it feels like reality.

Anyone can be shaped by a system this pervasive.

This worldview becomes:

  • familiar
  • rewarded
  • reinforced
  • socially validated
  • professionally required

This is why even intelligent, well‑intentioned people struggle to imagine alternatives.

And this is why telling people “you’re captured” feels insulting – because it sounds like saying they don’t understand their own world.

But the truth is gentler:

Everyone is shaped by the systems they inhabit. Some systems are just more pervasive than others.

The Anti-Establishment Paradox: Why Rebels Reinforce the System

This is one of the most important dynamics.

Many “anti‑establishment” actors:

  • use establishment logic
  • reinforce establishment incentives
  • pursue establishment definitions of success
  • rely on establishment structures
  • defend establishment assumptions

They think they’re outside. But they’re inside.

The paradox can be seen repeatedly in modern politics.

Many figures present themselves as insurgents, outsiders or challengers of the Establishment. They speak the language of disruption, renewal and rebellion. Yet when examined more closely, their proposed solutions often rely upon the same assumptions, incentives and measures of success that define the existing system.

In some cases, they are not challenging the Establishment worldview at all. They are intensifying it. They push its logic further, pursue its assumptions more aggressively, and then interpret the resulting resistance as evidence of conspiracy or institutional sabotage.

This is why anti‑establishment rhetoric is not the same thing as anti‑establishment thinking. Some of the people waiting in line to inherit power may be more deeply embedded in the worldview than many of the people who currently hold it.

This is the paradox:

People who think they’re outside are often the ones most deeply inside.

And the most chilling part:

Even those who can see the system clearly are still inside it, because the Establishment exists in the assumptions, incentives and institutions that shape ordinary life.

Unless you become a literal hermit, you cannot avoid interacting with it.

How the Establishment Works: The Operating System of Society

The Establishment operates through:

  • incentives
  • norms
  • legislation
  • finance
  • institutional culture
  • professional pathways
  • institutional memory
  • risk aversion
  • narrative control

This creates a self‑reinforcing loop:

  1. The worldview shapes institutions.
  2. Institutions reward conformity.
  3. Conformity strengthens the worldview.
  4. The worldview becomes invisible.
  5. The system becomes fragile but self‑protecting.
  6. Attempts to challenge it are absorbed or neutralised.
  7. Anti‑establishment actors end up reinforcing it.
  8. The worldview becomes even more entrenched.

It behaves like a deep state even though it isn’t one.

How the Establishment Shapes Everyday Life

The worldview defines:

  • housing
  • healthcare
  • education
  • wages
  • taxation
  • public services
  • infrastructure
  • media narratives
  • political debate
  • what counts as “affordable”
  • what counts as “possible”
  • what counts as “responsible”

People feel the consequences:

  • rising costs
  • stagnant wages
  • degraded services
  • insecure work
  • unaffordable housing
  • shrinking local government
  • political cynicism
  • social fragmentation

But they rarely see the worldview behind it.

This is why “they” is such a revealing word. People feel decisions arriving from somewhere, but the source is dispersed across policy, finance, professional norms, media narratives, institutional habits and inherited assumptions. The power is real, but it is distributed. It speaks through many mouths while often belonging to no single person.

This is where abstract language becomes concrete. Housing is not simply a market outcome; it is the result of land policy, credit conditions, planning rules, investment incentives and political tolerance for scarcity. Public services are not merely “inefficient”; they reflect choices about taxation, outsourcing, central control, workforce morale and what forms of care are valued. Local government does not shrink by accident; it shrinks when national systems treat local capacity as a cost rather than as democratic infrastructure.

Why the Establishment’s Belief System Has Reached Its Limit

The worldview appears to have reached its limit because:

  • the economic model is fragile
  • the social contract is fraying
  • public trust has weakened sharply
  • inequality has widened
  • services have degraded
  • infrastructure is under visible strain
  • markets are volatile
  • the worldview struggles to solve the problems it helped create
  • each crisis leaves the system with less room for manoeuvre

This is not merely a mood. Recent UK evidence points in the same direction: official statistics show that homes remain unaffordable for many households; public attitude research has recorded deep dissatisfaction with major services and low trust in governing arrangements; and income research has shown weak living‑standards growth across the period since the financial crisis and through the cost‑of‑living shock.

The system increasingly appears to be defending a model that is struggling to meet the challenges it claims to solve.

None of this proves that every institution is failing, or that every person inside those institutions is acting badly. That would be too crude. The point is narrower and more important: a worldview that promised efficiency, prosperity and competent management now struggles to explain why so many people experience the system as expensive, remote, fragile and unresponsive.

The Strongest Objection

The strongest objection to this argument is that what I am calling an Establishment worldview may simply be the unavoidable logic of a complex modern society. Perhaps advanced economies need expertise, central institutions, financial discipline, legal continuity and professional management. Perhaps markets, whatever their failures, remain the least bad way of coordinating activity at scale. Perhaps the alternative to the current system is not renewal, but chaos.

That objection deserves to be taken seriously. Expertise matters. Institutions matter. Stability matters. The answer is not to romanticise disorder or imagine that sincerity can replace competence.

But this objection only goes so far. The issue is not whether societies need institutions. They do. The issue is what assumptions those institutions are built around, who they are accountable to, what outcomes they privilege, and whether they remain capable of learning from failure. When expertise becomes detached from consequence, when stability protects dysfunction, and when “responsibility” means preserving a failing model, the language of competence becomes part of the problem.

Why Change Requires Awakening, Not Rebellion

Even if a crisis creates the conditions for paradigm change, nothing will change unless enough people:

  • see the worldview clearly
  • recognise its limits
  • recognise its harms
  • recognise their own participation in it

Otherwise they will:

  • circle back
  • rebuild the same logic
  • re‑establish the same hierarchy
  • re‑entrench the same worldview

People rebuild the cage from the inside.

Conclusion – The Establishment Is Not Something You Overthrow, It’s Something You Wake Up From

The Establishment is not a deep state. It is a worldview that saturates the entire system. People who think they’re outside are often deeply inside. Even those who see it clearly still have to interact with it. And this is why change is so hard – because the Establishment is not something you defeat, it’s something you outgrow.

Its belief system has reached its limit. The question now is whether enough people can see it clearly enough to imagine something better – not merely a different leader, party or slogan, but a different set of assumptions about how economies, institutions and communities should function.

That is why the direction of travel matters. If the Establishment is a worldview, then meaningful change has to be practical as well as intellectual. It has to ask how value is created locally, how decisions are made, how communities govern themselves, how money circulates, how public capacity is rebuilt, and how institutions become answerable to lived reality rather than insulated from it.

Whether that alternative succeeds is a separate question. But no alternative can emerge until the limitations of the existing worldview are recognised. Before systems can change, assumptions must change. Before new institutions can be built, people must first stop mistaking the existing model for reality itself.

Next Step

For a more practical exploration of the direction implied by this argument, see the following text on local economy and governance: